Henry Knox
Passage 1 is adapted from Henry Knox, “A Plan for the
General Arrangement of the Militia of the United States,”
presented to Congress in 1790. Passage 2 is adapted from
Wilson Nicholas’s comments in a 1788 session of the
Virginia state convention on the adoption of the US
Constitution. Both passages discuss volunteer militias and
standing armies, or permanent forces of professional
soldiers.
Passage 1
[W]hoever seriously and candidly estimates the
power of discipline and the tendency of military
habits will be constrained to confess, that whatever
may be the efficacy of a standing Army in War, it
cannot in peace be considered as friendly to the
rights of human nature. . . .
A small Corps of well disciplined and well
informed Artillerists and Engineers, and a Legion for
the protection of the frontiers, and the Magazines
and Arsenals, are all the Military establishment
which may be required for the present use of the
United States, the privates of the Corps to be enlisted
for a certain period and after the expiration of which
to return to the mass of the Citizens.
An energetic National Militia is to be regarded as
the capital security of a free republic, and not a
standing Army forming a distinct class in the
community.
It is the introduction and diffusion of vice and
corruption of manners into the mass of the people
that render a standing army necessary. It is when
public spirit is despised, and avarice, indolence, and
[excessive refinement] of manners, predominate and
prevent the establishment of institutions, which
would elevate the minds of the youth in the paths of
virtue and honor, that a standing Army is formed
and rivetted forever.
While the human character remains unchanged,
and societies and Governments of considerable
extent are formed, a principle ever ready to execute
the laws and defend the State must constantly exist.
Without this vital principle, the Government would
be invaded or overturned and trampled upon by the
bold and ambitious. No community can be long held
together unless its arrangements are adequate to its
probable exigencies.
If it should be decided to reject a standing Army
for the military branch of the Government of the
United States as possessing too fierce an aspect, and
being hostile to the principles of liberty it will follow
that a well constituted Militia ought to be established.
Passage 2
[T]he great object of government, in every
country, is security and public defence. I suppose,
therefore, that what we ought to attend to here, is,
what is the best mode of enabling the general
government to protect us. One of three ways must be
pursued for this purpose. We must either empower
[elected officials] to employ, and rely altogether on, a
standing army; or depend altogether on militia; or
else we must enable them to use the one or the other
of these two ways, as may be found most
expedient. . . . If a standing army were alone to be
employed, such an army must be kept up in time of
peace as would be sufficient in war. The dangers of
such an army are so striking that every man would
oppose the adoption of this government, had it been
proposed by it as the only mode of defence. Would it
be safe to depend on militia alone, without the
agency of regular forces, even in time of war?
Were we to be invaded by a powerful, disciplined
army, should we be safe with militia? Could men
unacquainted with the hardships, and unskilled in
the discipline of war—men only inured to the
peaceable occupations of domestic life—encounter
with success the most [skillful] veterans, inured to
the fatigues and toils of campaigns? Although some
people are pleased with the theory of reliance on
militia, as the sole defence of a nation, yet I think it
will be found, in practice, to be by no means
adequate. Its inadequacy is proved by the experience
of other nations. But were it fully adequate, it would
be unequal. If war be supported by militia, it is by
personal service. The poor man does as much as the
rich. Is this just? What is the consequence when war
is carried on by regular troops? They are paid by
taxes raised from the people, according to their
property; and then the rich man pays an adequate
share.
. . . As these two ways are ineligible, let us
consider the third method. Does this Constitution
put this on a proper footing? It enables Congress to
raise an army when necessary, or to call forth the
militia when necessary. What will be the
consequence of their having these two powers? Till
there be a necessity for an army to be raised, militia
will do. And when an army will be raised, the militia
will still be employed, which will render a less
numerous army sufficient. By these means, there will
be a sufficient defence for the country, without
having a standing army altogether, or oppressing the
people.
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