Ian Tattersall
This passage is adapted from Ian Tattersall, Masters of the
Planet: The Search for Our Human Origins. ©2012 by Ian
Tattersall.
Some of the most notable technological advances
in hominid history, including the domestication of
fire, the invention of compound tools, and the
building of shelters, predated language. Such
achievements are impressive indeed. But language
facilitated the imposition of symbolic information
processing upon older cognitive processes. And this
added an entirely new dimension to the way in which
hominids saw the world, and eventually reimagined
it.
That this momentous event took place in
Africa—the continent in which we find the first fossil
evidence of creatures who looked just like us, and
(somewhat later) the earliest archaeological
suggestions of symbolic activities—is corroborated
by a recent study of the sounds used in spoken
languages around the world. The study of
comparative linguistics makes it clear that languages
have evolved much as organisms have done, with
descendant versions branching away from the
ancestral forms while still retaining for some time the
imprint of their common origins. Many scientists
have accordingly used the differentiation of
languages as a guide to the spread of mankind across
the globe. And in doing this they have traditionally
concentrated on the words that make up those
languages. But this has proved a tricky endeavor, for
individual words change quite rapidly over time: so
rapidly that beyond a time depth of about five
thousand years, or ten at the very most, it turns out
to he fairly hopeless to look for substantial traces of
relationship. As a result, while language has indeed
proven useful in tracing the movement of peoples
around the Earth over the last few thousand years,
linguists have been somewhat stymied when it comes
to its very early evolution.
Cognitive psychologist Quentin Atkinson has
recently suggested an alternative. According to
Atkinson, in seeking the origins of language we are
better off looking not at words as a whole, but at the
individual sound components—the phonemes—of
which they are comprised. This makes sense, because
the phonemes are much more bound by biology than
are the ideas that their combinations represent. And
when Atkinson looked at the distribution of
phonemes in languages around the world, he found a
remarkable pattern. The farther away from Africa
you go, the fewer phonemes are typically used in
producing words. Some of the very ancient “click”
languages of Africa, spoken by people with very deep
genetic roots, have over a hundred phonemes.
English has about 45; and in Hawaii, one of the last
places on Earth to be colonized by people, there are
only 13.1 Atkinson attributes this pattern to what is
known as “serial founder effect”: a phenomenon, well
known to population geneticists, that is due to the
drop in effective population size each time a
descendant group buds off and spreads away from an
ancestral one. With each successive budding,
genetic—and apparently also phonemic—diversity
diminishes.
The signal of this effect in the five hundred or so
languages analyzed by Atkinson is weaker than the
one found in the genes, but this difference is
plausibly due to the rapidity with which languages
evolve. The key thing, though, is that the genetic and
phonemic patterns are essentially the same, and that
both point to an origin in Africa. Atkinson’s analysis
suggests that the convergence point may be in
southwestern Africa, which is also in line with one
recent genetic study. And his results imply not only
that modern Homo sapiens originated in a single
place, but also that the same thing was true for
language (or at least, for the form of language that
survives today). In which case, there is a strong
argument for a fundamental synergy between biology
and language in the rapid takeover of the world by
articulate modern humans.
1 The author refers to the Polynesian language Hawaiian, the main
language spoken by the people of Hawaii prior to their contact
with Europeans in the eighteenth century.
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